Come the day, I, again, through the parents, wanted to get Ayşe’s reaction to Gülen’s death. “Grandpa has passed away,” she “broke” or “shared” the sad news with me. There are lots of questions lying behind all this: What has been the real difference between Erdoğan, Gülen and their followers? If Erdoğan has all along scared his people and the world of “Gülenists,” could there be “Erdoğanists” for the Turks and the universe to be scared of as well? What does Gülen’s death mean on the ground to Turkey and the world? Who was this Gülen that the world should be moved about his death?

Now the African perspective.

Indigenous knowledge has it that “Enyama mbi tew’aluti ” – literally meaning “bad meat takes long to clear from the barbecue stick.” Why? Nobody rushes for it. Similarly, in the world of organized procedures, it is held: “It’s the exception that proves the rule.” Thus, in the practice of Mathematics: “Any number to power zero is equal to one, except zero itself.” In Chemistry, ions with the same charge repel. In music, non-rhyming sounds subject listeners to cacophony. A frontline rebellion in a battle is a war lost in the making. Examples are inexhaustible.

In Africa we also say: “Alikukumanya niwe akwita” – meaning “it is he who knows you who kills you.” In the biblical Paradise of Eden narrative, the target of the Snake must have been Adam. But to reach him, Eve was the most promising and appropriate tool. She knew him very well and he knew her well as well. When it came to a money trap module to betray Jesus, his disciple, Judas Iscariot, who was the treasurer, was the best choice. After being paid the fee, he assured them: “The one I kiss….”

In the most immediate Turkish history, circumstances crossed the paths of President-to-be Erdoğan and the Muslim cleric and scholar Fethullah Gülen on the promise of a more democratic country and freedoms based on universal standardsWhat could make them part ways unto the grave of one of them and even beyond? Why did Erdoğan go to the extent of demonizing the life ofGülen, when the whole world was mourning the death of a living saint rather than someone who had lived a “dishonorable life and like a demon in human form,” according to Erdoğan? Who was this Gülen that he should be at the base of the controversy in Turkey when humanity ceases to be a factor in the affairs of those in political power? Why should a political leader, and considered believer in one God, for that matter, be inhuman? He jails babies with their Gülen-linked mothers and conducts strip searches on the country’s daughters, mothers and grandmothers?

Here one has to go further, if not dig farther or both. A dip into the Turkish history reveals stories of scholars who stood firmly against oppression until Gülen appears on the stage. These noble individuals go beyond time, becoming travelers who foresee the future, much like Fethullah Gülen has. It’s as if Gülen stood on the watchtower of history, envisioning the future and leaving his notes. His vision heralded a renaissance after a period of darkness, testing both the loyalty of friends and the mercy of foes.

Imam Ahmad ibn Hanbal, a disciple of Imam al-Shafi’i, contributed a lot to the expansion of the territories where Muslims ruled. He was tortured and imprisoned for over two years for rejecting the idea, imposed by Abbasid caliphs al-Ma’mun, al-Mu’tasim, and al-Wathiq, that the Quran was created. He continued to pursue knowledge even in prison. Imam Abu Hanifa was imprisoned and tortured for refusing an offer to be a judge for the Abbasid caliph al-Mansur. Relentless pressure notwithstanding, he never bowed to the caliphates of the Umayyads or Abbasids. He died from poisoning. Imam al-Ghazali was also subjected to pressure from the authorities, who ordered his books burned. For criticizing a ruler of the Kara-Khanid dynasty, Imam Sarakhsi was thrown into a well in Özkent, from where he dictated his famous work, al-Mabsut. Ibn Taymiyyah was persecuted for his views, repeatedly imprisoned, and died in captivity, completely dispossessed.

In modern times, Fethullah Gülen walked this same path. After the July 15th 2016 “cooked coup,” which he condemned and denied any connection, he declared: “If they were to pass a death sentence, I would go smiling to the noose, but I would never apologize to an oppressor, even if they killed me fifty times over.” This statement underscores his resolve in pursuing truth and justice. Gülen’s words reflect the breadth and depth of his vision for humanity. In his work The Messenger of Humanity, he wrote: “Humanity can only draw closer through love, tolerance, and dialogue.”

Gülen consistently advocated for dialogue between the Abrahamic faiths and once brought together leaders of major religions around the same table in Istanbul. He believed that “those who are confident in their beliefs respect others’ faiths. One’s own values are best understood by recognizing others’. Everyone’s faith belongs to them, and no one can impose their beliefs on others.” Gülen reminded us of the shared values of humanity, saying: “Differences among people exist not to divide us but to complete each other.” This perspective is more essential today than ever.

The schools inspired by Gülen’s vision across the world embodied his dream that “Knowledge should flow from Turkey to the world.” These institutions have fostered bonds between diverse cultures and planted seeds of peace and fraternity. His legacy is not just in his written works or founded institutions, but in the indelible mark he left on the conscience of humanity—a bright path for generations to follow.

To come to grips with Gülen’s life, one has to read Said Nursi (1877-1960) a lot. Typical of his life of sincerity, Said Nursi, who is also known as Bediüzzaman – the miracle of time – examined the political life of his day, critically subjecting it to his moral weights and measures standards, leaving the rest of the world countries to find their individual morals index slots. Said Nursi, as a child, was conceived in the womb of the Ottoman Empire to which he was consequently born and on whose milk he subsequently breastfed. Only a few years senior to the founder of the Republic of Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881-1938), he went through an experience that must have had a bearing on his way of life as a great thinker, author and what I can dare call “genuine Muslim.”

He was around when his age mate Mustafa got the Kemal nickname – meaning “the perfect one.” He saw Kemal and his supporters establish a new Turkish government and capital at Ankara. He witnessed the national assembly abolishing the Ottoman sultanate and Greek forces being driven out, opening doors to the Republic of Turkey to come into formal existence. He bore witness to Kemal assuming the presidency and turning tables on everything, including traditional Islamic religious schools and courts. The president grew more reserved, solitary and remote, moved into the Sultan’s Palace in body and spirit, leading a luxurious life until his death.

To this, Africa indigenous knowledge has many observations. Among them: “You can make a monkey put on a golden ring but that can’t kill its habit of stealing maize from people’s farms. You can boil water to any temperature, but it will never forget its origins (coldness). You can expose an elephant to urban life, but you cannot prevent it from littering streets”.

Gülen never met Said Nursi. He only met his disciples. He understood his mission and took it upon himself to put it into practice. And, like him, he did not harbor political ambitions. Dr. Jon Pahl summarizes the situation rightly in his book on Gülen and the life of Hizmet when he says: “… to focus on events in Turkey in recent years, and Fethullah Gülen’s role as cause, effect, villain, hero, winner or loser would be to reduce the meaning and significance of his life to something like wax; ephemeral relations with a paltry kind of power…”

Said Nursi had all along said it categorically that the real enemies of the Turkish (in fact any) people are none other than ignorance, poverty and disunity. Gülen took it upon himself that the solution revolved on the axis of molding a cohesive and disciplined community through education, mass media and financial networks targeting the establishment of a new power balance of justice, love, respect and equality among people. For which, an environment had to be built whereby one has to see all others as God sees them with the eyes of mercy and compassion. People must be revived; not killed. Today, however, about a quarter of the Turkish people have come to a stage where they wish it were possible for them to live somewhere else rather than under the Erdoğan regime.

Said Nursi warned: “Moral laws are absolute. They are not relative. Effort spent on spicing our actions in the interest of our desires points in the wrong direction. This is why we substitute legal and illegal, right and wrong with attributes. And a State is created along these lines.” In the Seedbed of the Light, Fourth Treatise, Third Part of the Spark, he said: “Happiness and real pleasure lies in forsaking everything, including existence for His (God’s) sake. A drop of water has the same nature as an ocean (both are water) and a river (both are from clouds).

“Whatever is suffered for God is good. It is sweet even if apparently bitter, for it makes you taste the pleasure of supplicating and praying to Him. Every speech unconcerned with Him is idle talk.” Giving us a sort of cardinal self-observation point, he said: “Human beings are usually susceptible to shedding positive knowledge as they go down the learning lane. Instead, we pick and treasure meaningless and sometimes wrong convictions, which eventually lead us astray.”

This was with Gülen until his last breath, enabling him to leave behind a legacy not of material wealth but many shelves filled with the books he authored. His simple lifestyle demonstrates the transitory nature of worldly riches, elevating the significance of spiritual values and the blossoming hopes. I have read his works and works about him by others and reviewed some of them. Following his passing, Tushar Gandhi, the grandson of Mahatma Gandhi, could not have put it better when he expressed his sorrow on social media, saying, “Another voice of peace has fallen silent. A great loss for humanity.”

All said, Gülen was more than the son of Turkey. He belonged to the whole world. From the African perspective, Gülen was “mithili ya zawadi ya sauti ya Mungu iliyozimika” – the symbol of God’s voice gift which has suddenly gone silent.

One morning, an office friend gets my attention and asks, “Have I (ever) given you this book?”

The face on the well-designed cover is familiar. It is that of a thoughtful Fethullah Gülen. My mind flies to Turkey, Gülen’s home country, and then to the state of Pennsylvania, where Gülen has been living since 1999. Gülen’s thoughts are for his homeland, who’s democratic backsliding has led to so much grief and suffering.

The title, “No return from Democracy,” is worth chewing on. With all the endless definitions and consequent divergent practices of democracy, which country on earth can claim to have been there? What kind of democracy? There are many different forms. Since when has democracy been a destination, so that pilgrims can talk of coming back? Isn’t democracy a country’s tool for achieving a certain level of freedom and perfection rather than a purpose?

The sub-title, “A survey of interviews with Fethullah Gülen,” leaves me hanging. It forces me to take refuge to the back page. The “avant-garde” French touch referring to Fethullah Gülen’s ideas turns into a real kicker. It renders it difficult to resist digging deeper into this man’s imprint on Turkey’s affairs and beyond, as well as his multi-dimensional scholarly, religious, and ethical life.

Who is Fethullah Gülen and why is he so concerned with democracy? To begin with, why should any of us be concerned with democracy?

From the back cover I get the impression of an archive rather than the mentioned survey of Gülen’s scholarly thoughts and engraved faith and ethical views setting a positive democratization formula for our times and future political systems. If I were asked to name two major aspects that affect the world most today, I would point at democracy and climate change. The democratic world and the climate are in mortal danger as humanity turns its back to solidarity, mutual assistance, and generosity and instead engages in bloody, destructive wars and violence.

Now what makes it worse is that some perpetrators of violence – whether individuals or groups – claim to be working in God’s interests, even though their atrocities contradict the very purpose of His creation. Examples of such violence abound.   

Forgetting our duty towards God, our neighbors, and even our very selves has led rare people like Fethullah Gülen to emerge in the hopes of putting the world back on track. Their job is three-fold. First, they must make society (individual members or groups) aware of the fact that there is no such thing as violence for God’s sake. Second, these people stress that the religion of the perpetrators has nothing to do with crime. It is not a vice to be a Muslim just as it is not a virtue to be a Christian. Third, these rare people are teaching that spiritual values also apply to those who choose to accede to political powers.

In this regard, “No return from democracy” should be read carefully, understood and taken as a reference tool for those in search a truly democratic society, be it in Turkey or any other country. Eleven chapters and an appendix by Gülen himself condemning the coup attempt and denouncing terrorism send a clear and unequivocal message to the world; namely, that “A Muslim cannot be a terrorist and a terrorist cannot be a Muslim. A person cannot go to heaven by killing a person.”

In consonance with the letter and spirit of the book, the lead chapter responds to fundamental and thought provoking questions like, “Can Islam and democracy be reconciled? Can a Muslim also be a democrat? Can Muslims fully practice their religion in a democratic order? What kind of regime does Islam envisage? Does a theocratic regime exist in Islam? What is meant by an Islamic order?”

Gülen laments (p. 12), “… it is painful to see how those who speak on Islam and democracy and claim to pronounce in the name of religion have come to the understanding that Islam and democracy cannot be reconciled…” He argues this is wrong because it is built on a superficial comparison that “Islam is based on the rule of God, while democracy is the view of humans…” He observes that on the contrary the true picture is one of “sovereignty (being) taken from individual oppressors and dictators and given to community members.” He cites “the era of the Rightly-Guided Caliphs of Islam” as “the application of this democratic norm of democracy” (quoted in The Muslim World, July 2005 Edition).

Accepting that there is no conflict between Islam and democracy, should we take such basic attainments as pluralism and human rights as having been invented in the West, or can they be accepted as universal values? Have they been applied in Muslim societies? In other words, is Islam conducive to democracy?

Gülen confidently asserts yes (p. 13): “None of these values (have) emerged only in the West and in modern times.” And for that matter, “we see that in its process of development, democracy has many different applications and that it has undergone many modifications and revisions.” He cites an assortment of prefixes of democracy like social, liberal, Christian, etc. “In some cases,” he says, “even one of these forms … may not consider the other as democracy.”

He goes on to reveal (p. 13, 14) “the principles and form of government that form the basis of democracy are compatible with Islamic values. Consultation, justice, freedom of religion, protection of the rights of individuals and minorities, the people’s say in the election of those who will govern them and the latter being held accountable for their actions, and prevention of the oppression of the majority or minority, can be cited as examples of the values and principles espoused by both Islam and democracy” (quoted in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 6, 2012).

In an interview with Ashrq Al-Awsat on March 24, 2014, Gülen pointed out (p. 17) “we sadly observe that in countries where democracy is demonized, human violations, moral and legal turmoil, and religious and ethnic disputes and conflicts abound. Currently, democracy is evolving to become a common asset and custom, as it were, of the entire human race…”

Gülen tackles this issue very broadly across many years and in a wide range of media outlets, including: Le Monde (April 28, 1998); Zaman (March 24, 2004); the New York Times (June 11, 2010); TRT, Turkish Radio and Television (June 2, 1995); NTV (February 27, 1998); Kanal D Television (April 16, 1997); and the Financial Times, as well as interviews with individual journalists.

The gist of all his conversations is that “democracy is a rule by the people. It is a profound form of ‘republic.’ It is (the republic’s) soul; it is the more humane dimension of it. For this reason, in a sense … it always existed in the past, although it was not named.”

He continued, saying (p. 21):

“We can even talk about a republic and the existence of a democracy without a name during the era of the Rightly Guided Caliphs. …Maybe between the systems there is an overlap. It is possible to reconcile them. For this reason, it could be thought that a republic and democracy might make a proper ground for Islam, Islamic thought, and the possibility of practicing Islam. Considering them as against Islam, in my opinion, is a wrong interpretation, a wrong approach…”

No Return from Democracy is an archive of Gülen’s unflinching insistence on taking the path of democracy and focusing on dialogue and coexistence. Throughout the chapter on dialogue and coexistence, Gülen is at his best when presenting tolerance, dialogue, and conciliation as the antidotes to violence. He demonstrates his level of exposure when he borrows a word from Socrates (470-399 BC) by emphasizing that “those who wish to reform the world must first reform themselves.”

Like Gülen, we should never lose hope “because problems can be solved with time” and we “should not try to find fault with religion because it does not allow for conflict…At the core of all this is being respectful to different ideas…and accepting people as they are, no matter what they believe in and what philosophy or ideology they pursue” (New York Times, 2010, and Asharq Al-Awsat, 2014).

No Return from Democracy: A Survey of Interviews with Fethullah Gülen
By Faruk Mercan
Blue Dome Press
2017 pp. 240
9781682060179