Organized by Cairo University and Hira Magazine, the conference lasted three full days and featured many prominent social scientists, mainly from the Arab world: Dr. Ahmad El-Tayyeb, the rector of Al-Azhar University, Dr. Mohammad Emara (Egypt), Dr. Nadia Mostafa (Egypt), Dr. Ibrahim Elbayoumi Ghanem (Egypt), Dr. Abdel-Halim Oweis (Egypt), Tarek Albishri (Egypt), Dr. Ridwan Elsayed (Lebanon), Dr. Leonid Syukiyaynen (Russia), Dr. Samir Boudinar (Morocco), Dr. Fathi Malkawi (Jordan), Dr. Jill Carroll (USA), and Dr. Johann Hafner (Germany), to name a few. The grand hall of the Arab League headquarters was packed with an audience of 400 and more participants – seated or standing – from Egypt and neighboring countries. The huge roundtable in the middle of the hall hosted twenty scholars, either presenting a paper, observing or commenting on the topics. Aired live on the web, the conference explored islah, an Islamic concept that is often simply translated as “reform” in English but which in fact is loaded with a much deeper and wider frame of reference.

There was enormous media attention to the event: at least fifteen television networks and seventy-five reporters followed the conference and interviewed the participants. While dozens of requests to reserve seats had to be turned down, more than twenty-thousand viewers followed the event on the web. The conference drew an exceptional level of interest in the event, much higher than the average academic activity.

Throughout the conference there were occasional references to recent history, accompanied by expressions of regret or frustration. Yet, many scholars offered some insight with a vision of the future in line with the main theme, a focus on the nature of the Gulen Movement. They expressed their perception of the movement as a new and potentially wide field for research into islah. How have reform trends appeared in the Muslim world in the last half century? How do we interpret the spread of Gulen’s call and his movement on a global scale inside and outside Islamic countries? How has this movement succeeded in positively communicating with western elites with its scientific institutions, media and cultural entities in comparison to other reform movements? What are the prospects for future cooperation with this movement to take advantage of its successful experience in fighting problems and future challenges in the Muslim and the Arab world? How does this movement, which seems to act as a social movement organization rather than an NGO, develop successful relations with established systems in the countries where it works without conflict? These were the questions that were discussed on the floor.

Until recently, Turkish-Arab relations have been somewhat delicate. On both civil and official fronts over the last couple of years, firm steps have been taken by both sides to close the chasm that divided these nations; these are in fact nations that share many historical and cultural roots. This Turkish-Arab rapprochement is not an artificial one based on temporary mutual interests. The “problem-free” policy adopted by the Turkish government vis A vis neighboring countries should be appreciated in a number of ways. Without hands-on support from the grassroots level, however, such policies have little chance of success, if they are not doomed to complete failure, particularly in the context of the Middle East, where international interests are extremely complex.

The frustrations voiced by Arab scholars and politicians at this conference and elsewhere are to be expected in the context of the political and economic tensions that have lasted for decades in the region. There is no need to mention the international disputes which prevent the progress that has been long-awaited and desperately needed by millions. In this regard, this conference might serve as a new beginning, for participants strived to replace frustration and despair with hope and strong will and encouragement for islah. Despite some exposure to Gulen’s works and the literature produced about him, there is still much to be learned. First-hand experience and observation are certainly necessary, particularly to achieve an accurate analysis of a civil society movement that is as broad as the Gulen Movement and to understand what their contribution to the social reform and renewal of the Islamic world can be. Some of the testimonials expressed throughout the conference, specifically during the last panel, were of great use for many among the audience. The Salahaldin International School, which opened in Cairo only a few weeks ago, with its well-equipped campus and high standards of education, and which draws on worldwide experience, will become a visible testing-ground for those who are willing to explore this initiative. In the message Fethullah Gulen sent to the conference, he emphasized the importance of education and schools like Salahaldin in islah: “Education is pivotal in islah efforts, for it is directly linked to the human being in the person of the teacher and the student. A teacher who is dedicated to his or her mission in the spirit of worship can bring about a new human in his students, a new human who looks to the future filled with hope, whose heart beats with love and peace. Raising new generations is dependent on a precise revision of education. This revision requires educators to free themselves from sticking to working hours, which are limited and insufficient, and to work without pause in the consciousness that they are building new human beings with all their faculties.”

More than five hundred questions were handed in to the panels throughout the conference. Many inquirers asked how they could become a member of the movement. The speakers explained several times that this movement-which is frequently called the “Gulen” Movement for the lack of a more concise term-is not an organization in which you become a member by simply having your name listed. Nor is it a school in which you can enroll by paying a certain fee. “The Gulen movement is similar to a well-conducted symphony as its basic aim is to unite people and bring about solutions to their problems,” Pakinam El Sharkawy from Cairo University said. A professor of political science at Cairo University, El Sharkawy, the commentator on the sixth panel, said that the movement does not seek to defeat others but to bring people together and to remove prejudices between them: “The movement tries to respond to strong winds by creating a soft and soothing atmosphere.” Professor Jill Carroll from Houston, Texas, underscored a similar theme about the movement and praised its contributions to the main concern of our times, how we can coexist in peace and respect while preserving our differences.

Cairo is a place that everyone should visit at least once in a lifetime. This was my second time in eight years. And this time, I saw a great deal more than on my last visit. The conference offered a great deal to the hundreds who attended, and there was much that encouraged us to be more hopeful for the future. The new terminal at Cairo International Airport, which also opened recently like Salahaldin International School, now welcomes its guests with great confidence and arrival there promises a lot more than sightseeing.

Hakan Yesilova is a staff editor at The Fountain magazine.

Women in politics

I attended a lecture by Iceland’s Olof Olafsdottir, who is the head of the division for Equality between Women and Men at the Council of Europe a very long title to carry along with the heavy responsibilities that follow

The topic was women in politics in the 43 Council of Europe member states. First of all, it is worth noting that voting rights for most European women were achieved only after World War I (1919 for the US). Statistics on the percentage of women in the government are extremely astonishing,1 although the trend is rather expected. As we move toward southern and eastern Europe, the female percentage decreases. Sweden, Finland, and Norway, are at the top of the list. Half of all Swedish government officials are women. On the other hand, Italy has only 8%, the lowest among European Union member countries.

Certain countries have undertaken serious reforms to increase female participation. For instance, Spain moved up to 21% when, in the post-Franco era, women took advantage of the rebirth of democracy. France, the symbol of equality, fraternity, and liberty, recently reformed its constitution to grant equal opportunities for women to participate in politics. Even though women had the right to vote and be elected since 1949, the French government was only 27% female as of 2001.

Political systems are a major factor. If political parties and politicians have too much power, the competition is tougher. As a consequence, it is believed that women find it too difficult to deal with process as well as with the power of the positions. Turkey and France are perfect examples of this phenomenon, and so women are likely to be discouraged by the ensuing harsh power struggle.

Paternal leave for fathers

Why does the decision-maker’s gender make a difference? Many people might pose this question. The most current and concrete answer is the case of Sweden, where 50% of the decision-makers are women. A paternal leave law exists in many democratic countries. However there is a major flaw almost all cases only the mother uses her paternal leave while the father does not interrupt his career. The Swedish Parliament passed a law offering a month-long paternal leave to the father that cannot be passed on to the mother. As a result, many fathers who had used the excuse that their jobs were more important and any interruption would be considered a major reversal suddenly decided to use this opportunity to be with their new-born children!

Another major result of the high female presence in the Swedish Parliament is the seen in legislation related to prostitution: both the prostitute and the customer are punished!

Cultural reasons for lower political participation in Muslim countries

Two related factors can account for the major gap between countries having high and low rates of women in their governments: democratic identity and culture. Efficient and older democracies have established a real democratic culture in which individuals are valued and politics is close to the people. Also, culture tends to affect the role of men and women immensely. For instance, Turkish women are very powerful in the household. The division of duties has developed according to Islamic teachings, which assigns specific social roles to men and women according to their nature. Women are more emotional, intuitive, and affectionate, and so are more fit to run the family and the household and to educate the children. Men, on the other hand, are responsible for struggling outside the house to maintain the family. Thus, in most Muslim-majority countries the percentage of women in politics is rather low. However, as the family structure is very strong, fewer social problems are observed.

Gender Equity in Qur’an

It was hard for me to accept this view until I realized that, according to the Qur’an:

– Men and women have the same spiritual human nature.

– Both genders received the divine breath, for they were created with the same human and spiritual nature.

– Both genders are dignified and are trustees of Allah on Earth.

– Woman is not blamed for humanity’s fall. Pregnancy and childbirth are not seen as punishments for eating from the forbidden tree. On the contrary, the Qur’an considers them to be grounds for love and respect due to mothers.

– Men and women have the same religious and moral duties and responsibilities, and both face the consequences of their deeds.

– The Qur’an does not state that one gender is superior to the other. Some mistakenly translate qiwamah (responsibility for the family) as superiority. The Qur’an makes it clear that the sole basis of superiority is piety and righteousness instead of gender, color, or nationality.

– The absence of women as Prophets or Messengers of Allah is due to the demands and physical suffering associated with such figures’ roles, not because of any spiritual inferiority.2

Conclusion

There is no evidence from the Qur’an to preclude women from leading a state. Islam does not forbid or discourage the education of women. On the contrary, Islam authorizes women to have careers in fields such as teaching and medicine. However, a woman’s most essential responsibility is to educate her children and raise a sound family. Raising children is a key social function, for a society’s future and efficient functioning depends on educated generations. Thus, from this perspective, a woman’s responsibility is rather significant and challenging.

I hope that those who are having a hard time with gender equality in Islam take the time to do a little research, because the most logical and convincing answers are there to be discovered.

Footnote

1. All statistics are from the 2001 Report of the Directorate General of Human Rights of the Council of Europe, Women in Politics in the Council of Europe Member States.

2. Jamal A. Badawi, Gender Equity in Islam. Online at: www.iad.org/books/GEI.html.